China’s Trade Surplus: A Signal of Economic Resilience and Engineering Stable Global Systems

Last year, China registered a $ 1.2 trillion trade surplus the largest in the history of any economy; a scenario that would have made president Trump right in using the favorite phrase “Like nothing anyone has seen before.” Surprisingly, the record surplus came at a time of unprecedented uncertainty and policy hostility that appeared destined to break global supply chains and the global economy. Indeed, last year was the pinnacle of Newman and Farrell’s hypothesis on the “Age of weaponized interdependence.”

With an administration acting more like a rogue state in Washington, Trump II showed no restraint in using control over critical nodes in global economic systems to hold the world at ransom. Meanwhile, despite criticism of China’s surplus as a vulnerability linked to overreliance on Chinese production, there’s more to it than can be heard in mainstream sources. For instance, China’s focus on climate conscious technology; EVs, clean energy, AI products and high tech production systems which are the technologies of the future. In addition, for the global south, the resulting reshoring, and technological leakages mean diversified production sources, an increased role in the global economy and eventually paving the way for a more stable economic system.

The tiny but significant blemish with the argument that China’s trade surplus is a result of over-subsidizing exports to fix slowing domestic consumption is that it overlooks the country’s growing manufacturing capacity over decades. China’s manufacturing sector has not only been transitioning from a low cost, labor intensive model to a more sophisticated one, specializing in new technology and high-end products. In terms of volume for example, China’s manufacturing output had by 2023 reached $4.6 trillion surpassing the next three largest manufacturing economies namely, the US, Japan and Germany. The massive surplus is thus more about the expanding manufacturing capacity than it is about slowing domestic consumption. And whereas global consumption is not about to slow down, shifts towards new technology, and hi-tech production systems are strategies to counter pitfalls on the cost to the consumer side of the equation.

Moreover, the narrative of returning manufacturing jobs to some places also falls flat on its face when examined against China’s current trajectory. A case in point is the pivot from climate conscious technology and energy sources back towards fossil fuels – ‘beautiful coal’ which might as well have cleared the way for the surplus given a substantial portion of it came from Electric Vehicles, batteries and solar panels. Conversely, a focus on high tech production systems means jobs being lost to Chinese people is a thing of the past. Any jobs being lost today will be to technology and the benefit of efficient production systems.

Therefore, what is been framed as salient vulnerability associated with a ‘less visible but still central role’ of China could as well be the beginning of a new dynamic. What we noticed in 2025 was the moving of production processes to new countries in the global south, in a bid to route around the mounting geopolitical pressure. While this has been faulted for its reliance on Chinese intermediate inputs, technology and sometimes expertise, it also means diffusion of jobs, technology and skills to the new economies. Ultimately, this reinforces the production capacity of destination economies in the global south, and provides cushioning against similar shocks in the future. Resilience might be a result of systems stability however; such stability must be engineered by evenly distributing risk across multiple nodes as a safeguard against cascading failure starting in a single dominant node.

The events of the past year and the fallout from a global surge in economic nationalism and protectionism were a warning sign against the implications of concentrating risk in a single dominant hub. The tariff wars by Washington indeed highlighted how vulnerable global supply chains were under the old West-dominated configuration.  Additionally, in the event of the kind of shocks as instigated by the geopolitical strife seen through the tariff wars, the developing parts of the world risked taking the biggest blow. This is why China’s reshoring, and diversification albeit not breaking global dependence on Chinese manufacturing immediately, breaks ground for more stable supply chains in the long run.

However, with globalization on the raise and a more interconnected global system, a strong multilateral foundation becomes ever more important for its emphasis on mutual cooperation. Otherwise, unilateral action towards geostrategic outcomes that chokes a single critical node could jeopardize or even crash the entire system. Obviously, China’s surplus is not a sign of a win in the geopolitical standoff primarily because we are only in the very initial stages of system readjustment.

Moreover, as bellicosity becomes internationalized, targeting gray-area nodes in the supply systems could eliminate the second country of origin option unless any tethering to the parent corporations is severed. We saw this last year with threats of 50% tariffs on nations allied with China and BRICS and more recently a 100% tariff on Canada over trade with China.

In the ultimate end, China’s Trade surplus may not be a direct win in the geo-economic contest but it signals the initial stages of readjustments in the global system. As corporations move operations to other economies, the diffusion of technology, skills, and risk is dispersion that follow provide cushioning against failures of the kind the world was threatened with during the peak of last year’s tariff war. Reshoring and routing against pressure might have produced resilience that resulted into China’s surplus, but in the long term the same could reduce reliance on a single dominant hub enhancing economic stability.

George Musiime is a Research Fellow, Development Watch Center.

On Keir Starmer’s Visit to China

By Nnanda Kizito Sseruwagi

It had been almost eight years since a British Prime Minister had last set foot in Beijing. Keir Starmer’s January 28 visit to China is therefore a pivotal moment that signals a recalibration of UK-China relations, in particular, and British foreign policy generally, especially given the current paradigm shifts Western nations are making in the face of an increasingly fragmented global order. It has now become obvious to middle powers that, in the post-Cold War era, their economic and security concerns may not be permanently and reliably abdicated to the American leadership.

To understand the objective of Starmer’s trip, let’s look at the composition of his delegation to Beijing. Among his nearly 60-member entourage were cultural representatives and business executives from some of Britain’s major corporations, such as HSBC (a British universal bank and financial services group), AstraZeneca (a British-Swedish multinational pharmaceutical and biotechnology company), and Airbus (a European aerospace corporation). Both the entourage and the timing of the visit speak to economic engagement as Starmer’s primary objective at a time when the Labour government he leads is struggling at home to deliver on its economic growth promises. Whereas there is a trade deficit between the UK’s trade with China – the UK, having long-ceased to be the world’s workshop – in the services sector, the UK enjoys a surplus. This implies that there is a demand in the Chinese market for British services if Britain could leverage its expertise in finance, consulting, and professional services.

However, it is not just economic interests at the table for this visit. The past few years and even months have been frosty in the bilateral relations of the two nations. In the past, there were concerns in the UK over allegations of Chinese espionage. The UK also raised queries on claims that China was supporting Russia in the Ukrainian conflict. And of course, in typical Western fashion, the UK has always contested the way China governs in Hong Kong, claiming there is a crackdown on civil liberties. Two months before Keir Starmer’s visit, Jimmy Lai, a British citizen, had also been a subject of conflict between the two states following his conviction under Hong Kong’s national security law. As such, whereas Starmer may pragmatically focus on prioritising economic opportunities for Britain, the issue of human rights will linger in the background.

In order to show a spirit of good faith, which is key in improving relations, Starmer also approved the construction of a mega Chinese embassy in London ahead of his trip, which is one of the trade-offs taken to reset diplomatic relations between the two countries. This is a good move since, in any negotiation, each party needs to make concessions to build trust.

Keir Starmer’s government has articulated its approach to UK-China relations as characterised by a comprehensive and consistent strategy. This strategy is defined by the compartmentalisation of various aspects of the two countries’ relations in order to separate economic cooperation from the often sticky, contentious political concerns. Nevertheless, it is plausibly expected that there will be domestic opposition in the UK over the traditional points of suspicion and accusations regarding human rights violations, espionage, and related concerns, which other political parties in the UK will exploit to undermine the achievements Starmer’s Labour party is trying to realise.

If we take a broader vantage point of the developments in the global geopolitical arena, we find that Starmer’s context is shared by multiple Western leaders who have recently sought to improve relations with China and proactively reconfigure their ties with Beijing. Among the recent guests in the red dragon’s courtyard were French President Emmanuel Macron, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney. Clearly, middle powers have established a pattern of hedging their bets with China in the midst of increasing unpredictability and uncertainty about the next move from Trump’s America. China is a much more “what you see is what you get”, stable, reliable trade partner that any country can aspire to have now. There is no need to pay the cost of navigating America’s tariff-punctuated, transactional economic terrain.

The American-dominated world order has been rapidly turning into a system of unilateralism and protection. It is China that has lit the way in championing multilateralism. With World leaders such as Irish Prime Minister Michael Martin, South Korean President Lee Jae Myung, and Finnish Prime Minister Petteri Orpo successively paying homage to China since this year began, China has demonstrated its indispensability as a resourceful global economic stability partner. It was therefore not surprising that this would spike tensions with the United States.

With Starmer’s visit, the UK has made a profound diplomatic statement in Beijing. Every country now has to engage China. Isolation would be costly. China is not to be ignored or contained but partnered with. Starmer has acknowledged without stammering that “like it or not, China matters for the UK!” This reflects a pragmatic appreciation of the dynamics of economic interdependence as constituting both vulnerabilities and opportunities that must be carefully negotiated.

Nnanda is a Senior Research Fellow, Development Watch Center.

Inside the China-Canada Trade Deal

By Nnanda Kizito Sseruwagi

Mark Carney, the Prime Minister of Canada, is currently one of my favorite leaders in the West. His speech at the recently concluded World Economic Forum was a breath of fresh air, rarely breathed from a Western leader. The essence of his message was that “middle powers” should unite against economic coercion by great powers. Profound! Without mincing words, he called out American hegemony, denounced the weaponization of economic integration, and the exploitation of the vulnerabilities of supply chains. Whereas these ideas were not new, they were unanticipated coming from a Western leader. Carney had just visited China between January 13th -17th where he met Chinese leaders including President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang, and Chairman Zhao Leji of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress. The last time a Canadian Prime Minister had been to Beijing was nine years ago in 2017.

Carney took opportunity of the visit to commend the exemplary leadership of Xi, noting that the partnership between their two countries “sets us up well for the new world order.” His proposition to the Chinese leader had a list of key items for strategic partnership. Carney sought to partner with China on energy, finance, agriculture, security, and multilateralism.

China is a major trade partner of Canada. It consumes $30 billion worth of Canadian exports annually. This translates into 400,000 jobs for Canadians. The relations between the two countries had been strained in the past. The former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau had brushed China the wrong way on a number of occasions, including such incidents as the arrest of the Huawei executive, Meng Wanzhou, in 2018. These are the scratches that Carney now meant to mend.

Prime Minister Carney has a clear understanding of the world his country finds itself in today. Unlike most Western leaders, he seems undeluded by prejudices about China which are centered on the ideological disparities between the East and West. His narrative has been consistent about highlighting the fact that the world has changed, and China is now a key partner in setting up Canada for the new world order.

Unlike the USA, China has a stable political leadership under the Chinese Communist Party, which has been in power since 1949 and is consistent about its principles, both domestically and abroad. Carney understands, and notes that China offers a more predictable relationship with Canada as opposed to Donald Trump’s America. With China, what you see is what you get.

Canada has not had an easy time with its historical partner, USA, ever since Trump started his second term. Upon coming to office, Trump imposed tariffs on Canada’s key sectors like metals and automotives. He then moved to arbitrarily end a longstanding North American free trade agreement between Canada, the US and Mexico.

While Trump is rendering America’s trade agreements with Canada irrelevant and their future uncertain, China is moving to drastically reduce tariffs on Canadian goods, such as canola seed from 84% to around 15% by the beginning of March. It is also removing tariffs on Canadian lobsters, crabs and peas. On the other hand, Canada is also removing tariffs from Chinese electric vehicles (EVs) from 100% to 6.1% for the first 49,000 vehicles imported each year. Carney also promised that this quota could rise up to 70,000 in half a decade. This is a significant step for China, which is the world’s largest producer of EVs, accounting for 70% of global production.

It is obvious what these developments spell for the US, politically and economically. Whereas Trump had initially been indifferent towards the recalibration of the Canada-China relationship by Carney, in the wake of signing these trade deals, he has stood up and threatened to hit Canada with 100% levies on all goods and products going to the USA. This only confirms the case Carney has been making about the weaponization of economic integration by the US and the need for middle powers to rise up against the hegemonic coercion they suffer from big powers. But it is latently clear to Carney that in order to build a stronger Canadian economy, he needs to diversify his trade partnerships throughout the world, and escape the hostage of Trump’s America.

With America threatening a trade war against multiple allies, Carney is spot on about the risks involved in relying highly on USA a s a trade and security partner. Renewing and improving the China-Canada relationship is therefore important in guarding against unforeseen reactions from an unhinged Trump administration.

Carney understands well that largely due to American hegemony, the rules-based world order is fading and the era of great power rivalry is here. The rules-based order was celebrated for its principles and predictability, neither of which can be spoken about today. It is a fiction that lost its power of collective faith, and now the world comes to a rupture from that order, instead of a transition.

The writer is a senior research fellow, Development Watch Center.